The Rudolf Steiner Archive

Nineteenth Lecture

[ 1 ] Yesterday I pointed out how the spiritual aspects of the human being find their points of connection within the physical organism. These insights will have to find their way into the consciousness of humanity, for they are what must truly lead humanity toward the light in the face of the darkness of the materialism of our time—a darkness that will persist for a long, long time. But in truth, the thread of spiritual knowledge should never be completely lost. At least a small portion of humanity must always ensure this. I have already pointed out that it is precisely the valid insights of materialism—which our anthroposophically oriented spiritual science by no means intends to disregard—that are placed in the proper light when one views things, and especially the human being, from a spiritual perspective. Using an example such as the one I began with yesterday, you can see how even material processes within the human being are fully taken into account by spiritual science—except that spiritual science acknowledges the spiritual and specifically investigates the anchoring of the spiritual in the material, particularly, at first, in the human being. In this way, we avoid the pitfall that must be avoided—namely, seeking the spiritual only in abstract concepts that lack the power to penetrate what has been created by the spirit: the material. The spiritual must not merely exist in fanciful concepts that, so to speak, hover above the material; rather, it must be so powerful and intense that it can penetrate the material itself and reveal its spiritual nature—for, in its reality, the spiritual is indeed the creator of the material. Thus, true spiritual science must also be able to understand the material world—existence on the physical plane. Therefore, it is important to pay attention to the interplay between the spiritual and the material in human beings, especially at this time, when it is necessary to correctly understand the intervention of a non-sensory force—the national soul—into the human being.

[ 2 ] I said: What we think, feel, and desire in everyday life—not as members of this or that group of people, but as human beings on Earth in general—is bound to the solid, earthly element. And even if we have only five percent of this earthly element within us, I said, what conveys the purely personal insights, impulses of will, and emotional intensities to the world between birth and death is specifically bound to the mineral-solid substance in our brain; that is where it has its actual point of attachment. — As soon as we ascend to that which leads human beings into the supra- or sub-personal, we can no longer rely on such perceptions as are conveyed through the solid element; rather, these perceptions are conveyed through the liquid element. And perceptions that lead us as far into the supra- or sub-personal realm as the intervention of the Archangeloi in human beings are conveyed to us through the airy element. The airy element is the mediator between these Archangeloi beings and their sphere and that which the human being experiences—albeit as subconsciously as I indicated yesterday.

[ 3 ] After all, we are more than ninety percent a column of water—that is, a column of liquid—but this liquid within the human being, which conventional science still pays very little attention to today, is precisely the main sustainer of human life. And I have already pointed out how the gaseous element acts through the liquid element into the solid element, which is anchored in the brain. We inhale; by drawing in the stream of air—that is, by filling our body with the stream of air—the organ we call the diaphragm is lowered. In this inhalation of the air stream and everything associated with it, right up to the lowering of the diaphragm, we have that sphere in which the impulses emanating from the realm of the Archangels are at work. And just as all of this remains in the subconscious, so too does the true form of the effects of the national soul remain in the subconscious; it is merely, as I said yesterday by way of comparison, stirred up like waves, but in a form entirely different from the way it actually exists down there. When the diaphragm is pressed downward, a kind of stagnation of blood begins in the veins of the lower abdomen. As a result, the flow of cerebrospinal fluid is pushed upward through the spinal canal and poured into the brain—that is, around the solidified brain matter—so that now, as a result of inhalation, the cerebrospinal fluid is within the brain itself, having been pushed upward. In these effects of the pulsation of the cerebrospinal fluid lies everything that flows into the human being in the form of impulses from the sphere of the Archangels—everything that a person can gain in terms of ideas and sensations that elevate them into the supra-personal or infra-personal realms, thus connecting them with the forces that transcend birth and death. And within the brain itself, the cerebrospinal fluid then comes into contact with the solid matter.

[ 4 ] This is accompanied by the process whereby ideas and concepts also surge within our fluid, for ideas and concepts are mental entities that ebb and flow within the fluid element, and as our everyday ideas relating to the sensory world, they emerge when they encounter the solid, are reflected back from the solid, and thereby enter consciousness.

[ 5 ] When we exhale again, congestion occurs in the blood vessels of the brain, and the cerebrospinal fluid is forced down through the spinal canal into the abdomen. It can flow there because exhalation raises the diaphragm, creating space for the cerebrospinal fluid to flow down into the abdomen. Thinking, imagining, and so on are not the process that the anatomically physiological science today imagines to be a mere cerebral process; rather, what takes place in the brain—as a reflection on a solid substance—is connected to that which no longer reflects but remains in a fluid state, and from there, via the detour through respiration, regulates the influence of the gaseous element. This is also the indirect path through which everything related to the climate, to earthly conditions bound to a specific terrain, and to other external influences connected with respiration is conveyed to us. In that which never flows into consciousness—in the respiratory process, which is nothing other than a surging sea—spiritual realities surge. The breathing process is connected to the brain via the cerebrospinal fluid.

[ 6 ] There you have expressed the material process, which pertains to the whole human being, in such a way that you recognize it as the manifestation of the Spirit, which surrounds us everywhere just as the air or moisture does. And through a genuine understanding of material processes, you gain insight into how the earthly environment, with the spiritual elements within it, affects human beings, and how human beings, as spiritual-physical beings, are embedded in the spiritual-physical reality of their earthly surroundings. And the air, water, and warmth that surround us are, after all, nothing other than bodies for the spirit, just as our muscles and nerves are bodies for the spirit.

[ 7 ] I am presenting these things now because they reveal the processes underlying human life that are completely hidden from present-day understanding; but it will be the task of the fifth post-Atlantean epoch to bring these processes into true understanding. All teaching, all pedagogy, all human instruction—but also all external human life—must be permeated by these insights in the course of the fifth post-Atlantean epoch, and it must be recognized that what is regarded today in materialistic circles as science must gradually disappear, along with its consequences for life, from life on Earth. And all the struggles that will still have to be waged during the fifth post-Atlantean epoch will be merely an outward expression of a spiritual struggle, just as, ultimately, the present struggle is an outward expression of the opposition between materialism and spiritualism. For however things may be concealed—behind the infinitely sad events of the present lies the struggle of materialism against spiritualism. This struggle must be fought to the end. It will take various forms, but it must be fought to the end, because human beings will have to learn to endure everything that is necessary to endure in order to acquire the spiritual worldview for the sixth post-Atlantean epoch. And one can say: Much suffering must be endured, but it is only through pain and suffering that what truly connects knowledge with our very selves emerges; for, on the other hand, linked to the materialistic view of the world is the materialistic way of life, which is only just beginning today but will take on infinitely more terrible forms.

[ 8 ] A materialistic way of life began, in particular, with the initial acceptance—in terms of knowledge—of only the material; but it has already progressed to such a high degree that people now wish to accept only the material in their lives as well. But this will go much, much further and become even more intense. For the fifth post-Atlantean epoch must be lived out to the full. It must reach a kind of climax in various fields. For it is only in contrast to this that spiritualism can reveal itself with the intensity with which it must reveal itself if humanity is to pass, mature, into the sixth post-Atlantean epoch. Therefore, you must not shy away from following the spiritual guidelines as they present themselves as a means of grasping the external realities of the world. For the first task and obligation of the spiritually seeking person is to comprehend the course of human development right up to the present and the probable development into the future, in spiritual directions. We have often spoken of what has remained as a legacy from the fourth post-Atlantean epoch, which came to an end in the 15th century, and we have spoken of how the fifth post-Atlantean epoch exists to bring the consciousness soul to full development.

[ 9 ] Now it is precisely the consciousness soul that is meant to intimately unite human beings with all material events, with everything connected to materialism. We have seen how, in the fourth post-Atlantean epoch—from the 8th century B.C. to the 15th century A.D.—the Greco-Latin element gradually came to dominate the world: First in what is commonly called the Roman Empire, then in the Roman Papacy, which reached the height of its power precisely in the 13th and early 14th centuries. This also marks the beginning of the fifth post-Atlantean epoch; it is at the same time the beginning of the first crack in Roman-papal rule. It is at the same time the beginning of those impulses that are influencing the sad events we are witnessing today. And, fundamentally speaking, no one can understand what is happening today unless they view things within a broader context. For, in essence, all European peoples are involved in the sad events of today’s Europe. Anyone who wishes to understand must necessarily look at the forces that have been building up for a long time and that, in a certain sense, are now finding their first expression.

[ 10 ] Therefore, today we want—I would say—to combine a long-term perspective with the immediate. Let us first recall that we once discussed how the southern peoples—the Italo-Spanish population—represent, in the great figures they have produced, a kind of aftereffect of the third post-Atlantean epoch, naturally incorporating the entire legacy of the fourth epoch. You need only trace the entire structure of Italo-Spanish development, as it emerged at the turn of the fourth to the fifth post-Atlantean epoch, to see that it still contains what had a direct relevance to the third, the Egyptian-Chaldean epoch. Specifically, in the way in which—originating in Rome and Spain—the cult borrowed from the Egyptian-Chaldean tradition established itself as a religion, you see the survival of the residual Egyptian-Chaldean elements, which then reached their peak in the 13th century. If we wish to describe—using a term that is comprehensible to us today (for words are understood differently at different times)—what, originating in southern Europe, reached its peak in the 13th century as papal rule, in a way that corresponds to the fact that papal rule at that time spread throughout and dominated the entire European culture, then we must say, it is essentially the ritual-hierarchical, ecclesiastical element. This ritual-hierarchical, ecclesiastical element—into which Roman culture was transformed within the Roman Catholicism flowing into Europe—is one of the impulses that will continue to exert their influence, like lingering impulses, throughout the entire fifth post-Atlantean epoch, particularly during its first third. You can, I would say, calculate for yourselves how long this will last. You know, of course, that a post-Atlantean epoch lasts approximately two thousand one hundred and sixty years; one-third of that is seven hundred and twenty years. So, beginning around 1415, the main effect will last until 2135, meaning that the final waves of hierarchical Romanism will continue well into the beginning of the third millennium. These are the aftereffects in which the impulses of the fourth post-Atlantean epoch assert themselves in the forms of the third epoch. But since all these forces are at work simultaneously, other impulses also interact with them. Roman Catholicism, after all, had already reached its actual peak in the 13th and 14th centuries.

[ 11 ] Let us now see how it develops from here. We must therefore distinguish its influence up through the 13th century—when it was, in a sense, justified because it was still the fourth post-Atlantean epoch—from what followed afterward, when it took on a different character, that of backward-looking impulses. It seeks to spread. How does it spread? It does, in fact, spread significantly. We can see that what gradually matures in modern times as a state structure is more or less permeated by this Roman Catholicism. We see how the maturing English state structure, at the beginning of the fifth post-Atlantean epoch, is initially entirely in the hands of this Roman Catholicism. We see how France and the rest of Europe, in terms of ideas and life impulses, find themselves in the grip of this Roman-hierarchical-ritualistic element. If we wish to characterize what is actually at work here, we must say: There is an endeavor, emanating from Rome through this hierarchical ecclesiastical element, to permeate and completely saturate European culture all the way to that barrier it has created for itself in Eastern Europe. — But curiously, when such an endeavor becomes a stagnant impulse, it takes on an external character. It no longer has the power to develop inner intensity; instead, it assumes an external character. It spreads out, as it were, and lacks the power to delve into its own depths. Hence we see the curious phenomenon that Roman hierarchism is becoming ever more extensive, spreading ever wider, yet in the countries from which it radiates, it undermines the local population and offers no inner life.

[ 12 ] See how things are beginning. Romanism is spreading outward everywhere in the most diverse forms, while in Italy and even in Spain itself, it is undermining the population. Consider what a peculiar form of Christianity existed in Italy when the papacy was at the height of its splendor. It is the Christianity against which Savonarola’s thunderous words were directed. The Christ impulse did indeed live on in individual figures such as Savonarola; but these individuals felt compelled to tear official Christianity down to its very foundations. And if one were to sketch a history of what happened at the very point of origin of this outpouring, one would say: The power of the Romanesque ecclesiastical element spread far and wide, but the Christian spirit itself was undermined at the very point of origin of this outpouring. This could be demonstrated in detail, and it is a significant truth: In its outpouring, the thing destroys itself from within. Such is the course of life. Just as a person, as he grows older, draws upon his own strength, so too do cultural phenomena, as they spread, draw upon their own essence and undermine themselves.

[ 13 ] I have already explained on previous occasions how the French state element, in a certain sense, represents a kind of reintroduction of the fourth post-Atlantic period into the fifth. Here we have a second aspect. Just as we attempted to find an understandable term for the southern element in the expression “cultic-hierarchical-ecclesiastical” — that which strives to establish a universal monarchy of the Church, a theocracy of Europe —, so let us now also try to find a term comprehensible in the present for that cultural element which carries the culture of the intellectual soul from the fourth into the fifth post-Atlantean epoch. And if one wishes to find a term that encompasses all historical elements—if one has the good will to find a term that corresponds to the facts, that is true to reality, to describe what has been brought into the fifth post-Atlantean epoch by the French state element—then one must say: It is the universal-diplomatic element. And everything connected with the universal-diplomatic element is also connected with what has emerged from the actual French state element. It is no coincidence that the French language remains the language of diplomacy to this day. And every historical feature is illuminated down to the smallest detail when one discovers how, just as the universal-theocratic element radiates from Rome and Spain, so too does the universal-diplomatic element radiate from Paris.

[ 14 ] And the curious thing is that—albeit to a lesser degree than in the case of Spanish-Italian, since it involves the elevation of an element that is not so far removed—the French element’s radiance is accompanied, at its source, by a process of erosion. It is particularly interesting to view history in this light. Consider the way in which the great French statesmen—Richelieu, Mazarin, and so on—translated ancient impulses into the diplomatic and political sphere, thereby inaugurating and conducting world diplomacy. Louis XIV’s servants thought in European terms, not French ones, and regarded themselves as the natural rulers of Europe in matters of diplomacy, of the universal diplomatic element. One element, one impulse, always builds upon the next. It is no coincidence that it was cardinals—politicians and diplomats—who stood by the French kings as the French state reached its zenith.

[ 15 ] But anyone who follows the history of France, especially during this period, will find that the anxiety which, in a sense, pervades the entire diplomatic landscape of Europe, diverts an infinite number of resources from the country’s own economy, its financial system, and indeed the rest of its culture, thereby undermining it down to the finest details. Of course, one must not view these matters through the lens of national prejudice—if one chooses to view them at all—but must instead examine them impartially and objectively, in their true light. Hence, too, that upheaval of national sentiment within the revolutionary element—which could only have arisen as a consequence of such undermining—and which leads to the exact opposite of what is, after all, most appropriate for the French state: the monarchy. A parallel phenomenon to the revolutionary element that subsequently erupted in the Revolution, however, cannot be found in the Spanish-Italian sphere for the reasons I have already stated. But one can say: It is precisely in the Revolution that we see how striking the contrast is within this French element between concern for European diplomacy and the lesser concern for one’s own country. — For we must not forget that, at the same time as the fifth post-Atlantic period, the spread of culture across the entire globe emerged, precisely with the discoveries of previously unknown regions of the Earth. We see, after all, how naturally those states bordering the sea establish their naval power, their navy. As the French diplomatic element extends its concerns across the entire globe, French naval power also flourishes—you can trace this in the individual episodes of history—but it has its own counterpoint in what rages unchecked within and then finds expression in the Revolution. Hence the curious fact that, to the same extent that the Revolution grows, French naval power is neglected. You can see how, during the period in which the French Revolution was gaining momentum, naval power became smaller and smaller, and how the navy was completely neglected. But this has a significant consequence. When the French element from the republican era returns once again to what is appropriate for it—to the Caesarism of Napoleon—it is precisely in the person of Napoleon that the significant opposition to the Third, which now corresponds to the Fifth, begins to develop: the opposition of France to England, which had indeed been long in the making but which, precisely in the person of Napoleon, took on a character entirely different from what it had been before.

[ 16 ] Amid the whole tumult of Napoleonicism, what do we see there that is most remarkable? If one studies what was happening in Europe with regard to Napoleon, the significant contrast is, after all, that between Napoleon and England. — Now, Napoleon lacked something that was not part of the legacy of the Revolution, something he was, in a sense, bound to lack—I say “bound to” in the sense that one speaks of historical necessities—so that the Second could assert itself against the Third, the French against the English—but he lacked naval power! For if one wishes to construct hypotheses—which, in history, are justified only for the sake of understanding, yet can also contribute greatly to such understanding—consider this: Had Napoleon possessed his own strong naval power, which he could have united with the naval powers with which he was allied, he would not have been defeated at sea by England, and the entire course of history would have unfolded differently. He had not acquired naval power from the Revolution. Here we see the two elements that extend from the third and fourth post-Atlantic periods, respectively, into the fifth, limiting one another.

[ 17 ] And now we have the third element, which actually corresponds to the fifth post-Atlantean epoch and is meant to develop the culture of the consciousness-soul: the English, the British. Just as the feeling-soul element, which is carried forward by the Italian-Spanish, finds its expression in the theocratic and ritual sphere—for the feeling soul does not live in consciousness— so the French corresponds to the political-diplomatic sphere, and the British to the commercial-industrial sphere, in which the human soul finds its full expression in the material realm of the physical plane. We must, however, note a significant difference: the Papacy could only assert its claim to world domination for a specific reason. You see, we have the fourth post-Atlantean epoch (it is being outlined); now comes the first phase, A, of the fifth post-Atlantean epoch—it is the papal-hierarchical element. It still strives for a kind of universal monarchy because, in a sense, it is the continuation of the Roman universal empires. B: the culture of the intellectual soul. It, too, strives for something universal; but this universality has a strongly ideal character, and the most important aspect of the expansion of the French element is not the conquests—which occur merely as side effects—but the permeation of the world with a political spirit, with political-diplomatic thinking and feeling, that diplomatic-political thinking which lives not only in French diplomacy and politics but also in literature, and indeed even in the other branches of French art. But if one were to speak of a universal monarchy or the like, one could really only be speaking of a kind of universal dream. And marching at the forefront of civilization expresses precisely this dream.

[ 18 ] In contrast, when we come to the third, to C, it is—in harmony with the entire fifth post-Atlantean epoch, which in turn is meant to express the consciousness soul—that which corresponds to the British element as a special enclave, the specific bearer of the consciousness soul in the epoch that is particularly intended to develop the consciousness soul. Hence the British element’s claim to universal commercial-industrial world domination.

[ 19 ] My dear friends, things that are rooted in spiritual life come to fruition. They will most certainly come to fruition. Do not believe that one can in any way moralize or theorize about this; they will come to fruition, they will become reality. Therefore, let no one believe that the mission of the British people—which consists in establishing a universal commercial-industrial monarchy across the earth—will not become a reality for necessary inner reasons. For these pretensions will indeed become reality. One must simply recognize that these things lie within world karma. And what people say, what people think, is merely a revelation of the spiritual forces behind them. Therefore, let no one believe that British policy will ever undergo a moral conversion and, out of special consideration for the world, renounce its claim to bring the entire world under its industrial and commercial control. Therefore, we need not be surprised that those who see through these things have founded communities dedicated solely to realizing such a goal—and to realizing it through means that are, at the same time, spiritual means. And here we now have the beginning of an impermissible interplay. For, of course, occult principles, occult means, and occult impulses must not be used as catalysts or driving forces—especially for the fifth post-Atlantean culture, which must be a purely material culture. The questionable begins the moment occult impulses lie behind the spread of this purely material culture. But that—as I have already explained to you—is the case. In a sense, they do not merely wish to establish world domination using the forces that present themselves on the physical plane; rather, they wish to promote this culture using the impulses of occultism—the impulses that lie in the world of the unmanifest. Thus, occult means are no longer being used to work for the welfare of humanity as a whole, but only for the welfare of a particular group. If you combine such overarching perspectives—which arise from deeper insight—with the events of everyday life, you will come to understand many things thoroughly.

[ 20 ] There are still numerous idealists worthy of respect—I say this not in the slightest out of any sense of mockery, but because idealism, even when it is mistaken, is always worthy of respect—who believe that the network of commercial and industrial measures spreading from the British Empire across various countries will be maintained only as long as the war lasts, and that people will then once again have their freedom in commercial transactions. Apart from a few illusions that will be created through interim measures—through whatever is done to prevent people from becoming suspicious right away—the control of global commercial trade that has been initiated during this wartime is not intended to disappear with the war, but rather to begin with the war and then continue thereafter. The war is merely intended to provide an opportunity to stick one’s nose into people’s business records, but one should not believe that this prying into business records will cease after the war—I mean this only symbolically for what is to happen on the broadest scale. What is meant is that global commercial domination, in particular, will become ever more intense.

[ 21 ] I am not saying all this to stir up agitation in any way, but only to clarify what is, based on the impulses of world history. Only the recognition of what is can lead people to behave in the appropriate and correct manner. This may well be why that European map, in certain occult communities, turned out exactly as I was able to draw it for you on the board yesterday. I would like to expressly note: I can trace this map back to the 1880s. How much further back it goes, I do not know. I say only what I know; only what I can say with certainty. That is also why I have said nothing about the Scandinavian countries, because I do not know whether any provisions have been made regarding them. I strictly limit myself to what I know, and I emphasize this in particular on this occasion, although this is the principle I follow at every opportunity.

[ 22 ] To this end, you must consider that this map—that is, this distribution of European conditions—tends to serve the establishment of a universal commercial monarchy. Europe is to be organized in such a way that a universal commercial monarchy can be established. I am not saying that this will happen tomorrow; but you can see that partial payments are already being demanded. Just compare the current note to Wilson with the map of Austria, and you will have a very clear picture. Nothing is said about Switzerland in it yet; that installment will be demanded later. But the order in which they will appear will correspond exactly to the map I drew up yesterday.

[ 23 ] This division of Europe that emerges here is well suited to establishing global commercial dominance. Now, if you study the details on this map, you will see that it has been carefully designed to support what I just said. I said: “Global commercial dominance”—for one does not need to actually possess all these territories right from the start; rather, it is sufficient to arrange them in such a way that they fall, as they say, within one’s sphere of influence. And then it is very cleverly arranged to first bring into the sphere of influence precisely those areas that I marked yesterday with a yellow pen as those that Britain should actually lay claim to: the peripheral regions. And, of course, in order to allow others to retain the sense of satisfaction that comes from a certain idealism, one can also handle the matter in such a way that one exercises commercial control while leaving the others to play with the territories for a while longer. But the spheres of influence will be extended as has been outlined. After all, what really matters is not whether, in the year 1950, there is a Belgium or a France that extends all the way to the border, but rather what power Belgians have in that Belgium, what power the French have in that France, and what power the British have in Belgium or in France. To establish global commercial dominance, it is not always necessary to immediately seek control of territories. But above all, we must be clear that this global dominance is a commercial and industrial one. This establishes something very important.

[ 24 ] However, I would have to give a whole series of lectures if I were to explain the reasoning behind this in detail. But this could certainly be done, for what I am saying can be thoroughly substantiated. But today I can only hint at it. For if one wishes to establish commercial-industrial world domination, one must first divide the main area in question into two parts. This is connected to the nature of the commercial-industrial sphere. I can only express this through a comparison: What takes place in the world of the physical plane always requires a division into two parts. Just imagine a teacher without students—that doesn’t exist. Similarly, commerce cannot exist without a sphere that stands in opposition to it. Therefore, just as British commerce is established on one side, Russian commerce must be created as its corresponding opposite pole. In order for the necessary differentiation between buying and selling to arise—and for circulation to take place—these two spheres are needed. One cannot turn the entire world into a single, unified empire; one would not be able to establish a commercial world empire that way. It is not exactly the same, but it is similar to the fact that when one produces something, one needs buyers; otherwise, one cannot produce. Thus, this duality must exist. And the fact that this was introduced as a major feature into the matter is a great, a gigantic idea from those occult brotherhoods of which I have spoken. It is a colossal idea on a global scale to create this contrast, against which everything else seems trivial—this contrast between the British commercial empire and that which emerges from Russia, with the preparation brought about by spiritual predispositions for the sixth post-Atlantean epoch, along with everything I have described to you. — This is a great, colossal, admirable idea from these occult brotherhoods that have been mentioned. For, to put it simply, one can hardly imagine a more beautiful counterpoint to what has developed in the West as the highest flowering of commercial and industrial thought than the future Russian Slav, who in the future will certainly be even less inclined than today to engage professionally in commercial matters, and who will precisely because of this be an excellent counterpoint.

[ 25 ] The point, however, is that such an empire must, of course, set its own terms. And it was indeed a profound insight on the part of Spencer and his predecessor to emphasize time and again: The industrial-commercial spirit that permeates a people wants nothing to do with war; rather, it is for peace, needs peace, and loves peace. — This is entirely true: there will, so to speak, be a deep love between that which strives toward the commercial-industrial and the elements of peace in the world. Only, this love of peace can sometimes take on strange forms. There is indeed something peculiar about the current note to Wilson. Although one need only sketch on the board what will become of Austria—just take a look at what is happening to Austria when you examine this map, which is drawn entirely in accordance with the note—nevertheless, this note dares to state: As a political community, that which lives among the Central European peoples is not to be affected in any way. — Well, that, too, is “gigantic”—gigantic, namely, because of its utterly frivolous toy-ing with the truth; for otherwise, one usually says only what is untrue regarding something that lies outside a written document; but here, two things are stated on the same piece of paper: We will dismantle the Central Powers, but we’re not actually doing anything to them. — The newspapers are already echoing this in unison by writing: We’ll see whether the Central Powers will now accept these acceptable terms. — One can read everywhere: Now the Entente powers have set their terms; we’ll see whether these terms—which are entirely acceptable to the Central Powers—will now be brusquely rejected. — Things have indeed come a long way, but you can read about it here:

[ 26 ] Let us now follow this line of thought to where it has led us. We are thus dealing with a division of the world, and the point is that this division of the world be carried out in such a way that one can say to the world: We want peace and are only for peace. — According to a certain formula—one that is now used in so many writings—this is roughly like someone saying: “I don’t want to do you any harm at all; I won’t even touch a single hair on your head, but I’ll just lock you in a deep cellar and give you nothing to eat! Have I done you even the slightest bit of harm?” Can anyone tell me that I’ve harmed even a single hair on your head? — Many things are shaped according to this formula, and the love of peace is also shaped by it, even though it is a reality. But when it is coupled at the same time with the pretension of commercial world domination, it becomes unacceptable to others; it is simply impossible to put into practice. And so, in the future, peace-loving commerce will most certainly be disrupted to some extent in its love of peace. — Of course, even those who divide the world in this way know this, and that is why a barrier is needed between them. This barrier is to be created within the great Southern European Confederation, which also encompasses Hungary and everything else I alluded to yesterday; this is precisely what is intended to bring about peace. And the way in which the British Empire relates to the Mediterranean through the sphere of influence I have mentioned shows that one can quite easily grant Constantinople and all manner of things to the Southern European Confederation. After all, they can only go as far as the Mediterranean, for in the west, the Mediterranean can be blocked off at any time if one so desires.

[ 27 ] In short, you can trace, down to the finest details, the gigantic, magnificent idea embodied in this very map. There isn’t enough time today to go through all of this in detail. But it is a colossal, magnificent idea to leave only the southern ports that open onto the Mediterranean free for France, while bringing the others under its own sphere of influence. This means that, in essence, the French colonial empire—which France even established under the protective role of others—becomes an illusion, and that too is brought into its sphere of influence. If you follow all of this, you will see the immense way in which what these occult schools strive for is to be realized through what constitutes the culture of the conscious soul.

[ 28 ] Things that correspond to certain impulses come to pass. For necessity reigns in world history and in the development of the world. Things happen. But they happen in such a way that forces truly interact with one another. Just as there is never positive electricity without negative electricity—but rather the opposites interact with one another with different intentions—so it is also in the course of human history. And precisely when one considers such a thing, one must adopt a “morally neutral” perspective. This also prevents one from asking: Why should such a thing happen? — It is simply part of the mission of a certain element that such things happen, and what develops must develop. But the opposing force must also be present—the counterpole, that which works against such a development. That, too, must be there. And if we now consider the matter once more from a broader perspective, we actually see, from the periphery, the workings of what we have characterized as these three elements.

[ 29 ] Let us now look back at the center. The point here is that the opposing force, the counterpole, is present so that a kind of braking can always occur. This braking is just as necessary as the other aspect is. And just as I do not criticize one, I do not praise the other; I merely describe the impulses, the facts. It would not occur to me in the least to pass a morally condemnatory judgment on that which I am describing precisely as a necessity arising from the entire character of the fifth post-Atlantean epoch. Providing the world with material, industrial, and commercial culture is certainly not a bad thing; it is absolutely a necessity. But there must be a counterpole, for human development cannot proceed in such a way that evolution simply follows a straight line. Opposites must clash, and reality develops through their clash. And in Central Europe, there has always been a need for a concentration of impulses, some of which worked in harmony with the impulses radiating from the periphery—as I have already described—while others, in many respects, suffered the tragic fate of having to oppose those very impulses.

[ 30 ] Certainly, these impulses radiate from Central Europe and make themselves felt in many ways elsewhere. But anyone who looks more closely will find, in Central Europe itself, the counterpoints to the impulses I have just described. For consider how opposition to the cultic-theocratic elements of the Spanish-Italian South first arose in Central Europe, and how this opposition reached a certain peak in Luther, yet found its greatest depth in Central European mysticism. There, what is not merely German or merely Germanic has truly converged; rather, Slavic and Central European elements interact there. Here, people did not wish to embrace Christianity according to a papal-hierarchical impulse, but rather to allow the inner dimension—which had just been hollowed out in the South—to take effect. Savonarola, after all, was simply executed. This inner life was present in the Czech John Hus, as in Wycliffe—who sprang from Germanic English culture—as in Zwingli, and as in Luther. But its deeper element lies in Central European mysticism, which, incidentally, is quite closely related to the Slavic element. And it is precisely in these circumstances that you can see how things come to fruition in a remarkable way. For Central Europe, with its assertive Slavic influence, is in a certain sense already the opponent of the periphery, and—even if politically still often at odds with one another—Slavic culture, the Eastern element, works in harmony with Central European culture. And in the occult realm, too, this essentially works together in a wondrous way.

[ 31 ] We see how, in the South, a certain materialistic element has been developing more and more, reaching its peak in figures such as Lombroso. We also see this materialistic element elsewhere on the periphery as setting the tone. Right up to Oliver Lodge, whom we have discussed recently, we see the materialistic element protruding into spiritualism. But on the other hand, we see how this is countered by that which is emancipating itself, namely, first and foremost, from the Romanic-hierarchical. Behind the proto-Germanic Kepler stands the Pole Copernicus; in particular, Slavic spirits stand behind those who are Germanic spirits. And I would like to say: We see a connection across the physical plane toward the Central European-Slavic: Hus, the Czech, Copernicus, the Pole, and others—others could just as well be mentioned—form a connection across the physical plane. But there you also see how the Slavic element is growing together with the Germanic element in Central Europe; there you see the Eastern European Slavic element growing together with Europe. Of course, this can only be seen when one considers the occult relationships.

[ 32 ] To cite just one example: Galileo’s soul lives on in the Russian Lomonosov, and the Russian Lomonosov is, in many respects, a founder of Slavic culture in the East. The spiritual world lies between them, so that one could say: The Central European Slavs are still connected to the people of the West on the physical plane. That which lies beyond is connected to the people of the West across the higher planes.

[ 33 ] This is entirely consistent with the fact that the Russian element is subordinate to the Slavic one, but it also corresponds to the circumstance that Western Slavic culture must be understood in a different context in relation to Western Europe than Eastern Slavic culture. And only if one thinks not in terms of the further development of humanity as a whole, but in terms of the English-speaking empire, will one want to incorporate the Poles into the Russian Empire.

[ 34 ] It is precisely on this point that you can see the difference between thinking that is limited to a single group of people and thinking that is directed toward the welfare of all humanity. Thinking that is directed toward the welfare of all humanity could never incorporate the territory of Poland into the Russian Empire. For, in a remarkable way, it is precisely the West Slavs who, in their deepest dispositions, are integrated into Central Europe. I cannot speak today of the eventful fate of the Polish people; but I will simply say that the spiritual culture of the Polish people reaches one of its pinnacles in Polish Messianism, which—regardless of what anyone may think about its reality—contains ideas rooted in spiritual feeling and spiritual imagination, and which aim to give humanity, out of the very substance of the Polish people, precisely that which constitutes the essence of Polish Messianism. Here we have, so to speak, the Gnostic element, which corresponds to one of the three soul elements said to flow from the Western Slavs into Central Europe.

[ 35 ] We find the second element in Czech culture, which is not without reason home to Jan Hus of Hussinetz; there we have the second element of the soul that was introduced into Central Europe from the Slavic world. And the third element lies in South Slavic culture. These three elements of the soul project forward like three cultural peninsulas, and they certainly do not belong to Eastern European Slavic culture. And precisely in order to have, so to speak, a framework within which the West Slavs can find their fulfillment in accordance with their own aspirations—externally, on the physical plane, through intermarriage, but internally through what I have just said—this Austria has come into being, which is meant to amalgamate the German and West Slavic peoples. Not according to a principle of domination! Anyone who knew Austria in the second half of the 19th century will find it downright ridiculous what is said in the current note to Wilson regarding Austria and a certain principle of domination. Of course, the circumstances are difficult; but the fact that a way was sought to allow every Slavic identity—indeed, every national identity—to develop truly freely within Austria is known to anyone familiar with 19th-century Austrian history. Yet what is not written in this note! One need only pick up a basic history textbook to see that the territories Italy is now demanding from Austria were never under Italian rule. And yet this note states: The Italians are demanding territories that once belonged to them. — The truth is of no consequence at all in this note; rather, the point is to say whatever one wants to say, counting on the fact that, through the magical power of modern journalism, people have already been led to believe anything. And this strategy does not always backfire. But this is precisely one of the magical means by which certain societies calculate on the power of journalism in the appropriate way. Precisely because Austria was preparing, so to speak, beneath the surface of external history for the mission I have spoken of, it was always an adversary, a counterpole to everything Masonic, which has found precisely in the West the form I have characterized in recent weeks. Freemasonry was never allowed to enter Austria. It begins, to some extent, as it otherwise exists in Central Europe, but it is precisely as I have already described—beyond the Leitha; there it exists to some degree.

[ 36 ] Certainly, there are other factors which, as you have seen, lead to a certain degree of leniency being exercised so as not to politically ruin the Central European peoples. This is reflected in the war aims and the peace proposals that have now been put forward. But the fact that Austria, in particular, is being attacked in this way can be explained in part by the conflict that has always existed between Austria and Western European Freemasonry—a conflict that, in essence, dates back to the time of Maximilian I. Of course, it disguises itself in all sorts of ways, and what I am saying now is easy to refute, because things on the physical plane disguise and mask themselves.

[ 37 ] We now see that Central Europe must stand up for humanity, because it is meant to serve as the counterpoint to the impulses coming from the West. This, in turn, means that Central European development is not linear but, I would say, ebbs and flows; for it must always take up that which is directed against one of the impulses coming from the West and bring it to a specific epoch, to a particular intensity. Take, for example, the hierarchical-theocratic impulse. While people were absorbing what was carried to Europe on the waves of the hierarchical-theocratic impulse in the form of Christianity, opposition began as early as the 12th century. Read Walther von der Vogelweide, the great Central European poet: in his work you will find opposition to the Roman Papacy, to Romanism in general. What later found full expression in Hus, Luther, Zwingli, and so on is already hinted at in Walther von der Vogelweide; but you will also find what developed as an internalized form of Christianity—parallel to the periphery, but in an internalized form—in Wolfram von Eschenbach’s Parzival epic.

[ 38 ] There, at the beginning of the fifth post-Atlantic period, you already see opposition to the theocratic-hierarchical-Romanic order emanating from Spain and Italy. Never—so peculiar is the effect of this counterpole—is that which is inner life denied. It remains. But it is precisely expropriated from the principle of power and developed as a counterpole.

[ 39 ] I am neither criticizing one nor praising the other; I am simply quoting. We have the hierarchical-theocratic principle; then came the diplomatic-political one. It is adopted in all its forms, with all its side effects. And here it is interesting to delve into specific historical details. It is actually incorrect when historical handbooks often state that the invention of gunpowder was the cause of modern warfare, in contrast to the chivalric warfare of the Middle Ages. The key point is that, with the onset of the modern era, the natural economy that prevailed in Europe during the Middle Ages was replaced by a monetary economy, and that the ruling powers came to manage money—which had not been the case before. Previously, the natural economy had been much more prevalent. Money played only a secondary role. However, the monetary economy initially gave rise to the mercenary army system, which was no longer compatible with the old chivalric military system adapted to the medieval natural economy. This modern military system originated in Switzerland. The Swiss were the first to be soldiers in the modern sense of the fifth post-Atlantic period. You can trace the history: it is precisely because the Swiss became such capable soldiers that they achieved all the great successes they needed to secure the future of Switzerland against the onslaught of chivalry. I actually tell this to the Swiss. Fundamentally, the Swiss are the first to have truly overcome chivalry through military means. When speaking of the overcoming of chivalry, one must look to Switzerland for the example of how this was achieved. For the rest of Europe learned entirely from the Swiss how to overcome chivalry—namely, through this system of an infantry-based army. If you study history, you will find this to be true.

[ 40 ] Let us now turn our attention to the further development leading up to Napoleon. What was the source of the superiority of Napoleon’s soldiers and armies over the armies of Central Europe? It lay in the fact that, fundamentally speaking, Central Europe—even in Napoleon’s time—operated according to Swiss military principles, though of course not with Swiss soldiers, whereas Napoleon, drawing on French national character, already commanded a true people’s army. One can appreciate this by properly tracing the battles between the Central European forces and Napoleon. The commanders of the Central European armies—oh, how they had to keep their mercenaries, which is essentially what they were, on a tight leash, right down to their quarters! Thus, it was never possible for them to deploy strategically wide lines. — Napoleon, with the French army, was the first to be able to deploy widely spread-out lines, because he had a people’s army—an army born of the body of the people. He need not worry that his men would desert him when he distributed his military forces according to strategic necessities. The Prussian commander, on the other hand—for example, during the famous campaigns of Frederick the Great—always had to worry that a unit he sent somewhere might desert the very next moment, because this was not a people’s army; rather, the men had been rounded up from all over, and sometimes even beaten into submission; they also came from the most diverse regions, some of which were entirely foreign to one another. The concept of the national army was invented in France, and this led to the creation of a national army in Central Europe—starting with Prussia—entirely modeled on the French example; and it was only by adopting French characteristics that the Central European national army came into its own.

[ 41 ] Thus, even in this field, we see how work proceeds in tandem with—that is, in parallel to—the periphery. The opposition, of course, lies in the fact that war is waged when it comes to military affairs. But that is not the main point for us; rather, we can trace the same contrast in another field.

[ 42 ] We have thus seen that, through all that culminated in the Reformation, the hierarchical-theocratic-Roman character encountered opposition in Central Europe. The diplomatic-French character permeated Central Europe right up to the time of Frederick the Great, into the 18th century. Lessing even considered whether he should write his Laokoon in French. Read the correspondence of the 18th century: In Central Europe, people can write quite well in French, but poorly in German. French had flooded all of Central Europe. One could say that it was not until Lessing’s time—with regard to the French-diplomatic character, in this second respect—that, through Lessing, Herder, Goethe, and what followed, the same process took place that had been accomplished by the Reformers toward the south. Thus, in Central European literature, Goethe, Schiller, Herder, and Lessing emancipated themselves from the West, just as Central European Christianity had emancipated itself from the South during the Reformation. At the same time as this process of separation, however, a connection went hand in hand with it. In his youth, Lessing still wrote a great deal in French. Leibniz’s entire philosophy, insofar as it is not written in Latin, is written in French, not German. With regard to these two regions, this represented both a collaboration and a state of opposition. We can certainly characterize the situation as follows: Southern-Central European: opposition; Western-Central European: opposition.

[ 43 ] The same is true, however, of the third element that emerges: the British one. At first, there is a certain parallel development, as expressed in particular by the fact that the great Shakespeare, beginning in the 18th century and continuing throughout the 19th century, becomes a fully German poet by being completely assimilated. He is not merely translated, but is fully assimilated; he lives on in German intellectual life. For reasons that are easy to understand, I do not wish to say that he lives on today in German intellectual life more than in British intellectual life. But let us take a look at the entire development, from Elias Schlegel, who produced the first translation of Shakespeare, to Lessing’s subtle penetration of Shakespeare’s spirit, the enthusiasm of the 18th-century German naturalists and Goethe toward Shakespeare, and on up through the truly excellent— one cannot really call them translations, but rather German assimilations of Shakespeare by the Schlegels and Tieck, and on through to the present day. Shakespeare lives on in German folklore. And when I myself came to Vienna and attended lectures on literary history alongside my studies in the natural sciences, the very first lectures I heard were given by Schröer, who said at the time that he wanted to speak about the three most significant German poets: Schiller, Goethe, and Shakespeare! This is, of course, not an appropriation of Shakespeare, who should by no means be claimed exclusively for the Germans; but this single example illustrates how this stance of opposition is at the same time a form of absolute collaboration. This was the case with regard to the diplomatic-political French tradition, and it was also the case with regard to the British tradition. But at the same time, the counterpole must be present. The third element has not yet taken shape in Central Europe. That which led to the Reformation is the first; it stands in opposition to the Southern-Hierarchical. Opposed to the Western is that which culminates in Goethe’s Faust. What we hope for in Central Europe is the true development of the spiritual-scientific element. And in this regard, the sharpest opposition will arise between Central Europe and the British sphere—an opposition even sharper than that which Lessing, Goethe, and their successors encountered in their confrontation with the diplomatic-French model. And in this regard, what has played out between us and the Besantians and so on was merely a prelude. These matters, however, must be viewed from a broad, far-reaching perspective.

[ 44 ] I think you know me well enough not to believe that I am speaking out of petty vanity when I say this or that. But I do believe that there is a great contrast between those who work with material experiments and the like—even to prove the spiritual—and those who seek to rise to the spiritual out of the impulses of the human soul. It doesn’t have to get so extreme that one turns an Alcyone into a material Christ; it can remain at the level of Sir Oliver Lodge’s subtle elaborations; but one does sense something of what is meant to be. Yes, I don’t know, but it certainly doesn’t hurt to say these things: There is certainly a certain contrast between what emerged almost simultaneously: on the one hand, Sir Oliver Lodge points to the spiritual world in a materialistic way, while at the same time I was writing my book The Enigma of Man, which attempts, in a distinctly Central European manner, to chart the paths that are taken in Central Europe specifically—from the human soul into the spiritual world. There are no greater contrasts than Oliver Lodge’s book and this book, The Riddle of Man. They are the most absolute opposites; one cannot imagine more absolute contrasts.

[ 45 ] As clearly differentiated as things appear today, they actually only began to emerge more or less since the beginning of the fifth post-Atlantean period. For before that, the situation was still different in many respects. Previously, the Romanic Empire still wielded a certain power extending as far as England, and the sharp distinction between England and France actually emerged with the appearance of Joan of Arc; but then everything that could happen within the framework of this distinction followed. Now, what is remarkable is that even within this very framework itself, the insight—the impulse—emerges that one must establish a connection with the opposite pole. And so we see—as I have discussed many times before—the purely British philosopher Bacon of Verulam, the founder of modern materialist thought—I have described him to you—drawn from the same source of inspiration as Shakespeare, who then exerted such a powerful influence on Central Europe, as I have explained. And Jakob Böhme is inspired by the same source, translating all that inspiration into the Central European soul substance, and from the same source, in turn, the South German Jesuit Jakobus Baldus. You see: beneath the surface of what happens on the physical plane, there reigns that which brings about harmonization. But one must really think of these things in a nuanced way; one must not let the whole matter disappear into a nebulous jumble. One of the greatest, indeed one of the most colossal minds of the British Empire stands very close to the opposition against the purely commercial aspect within British commerce, and that is James I. James I introduces a new element insofar as he instills into the British national character—and continues to instill it; the British national character will always possess this—that which it must not lose if it is not to be completely absorbed by materialism. But what he instilled there is connected through subterranean channels to the rest of European culture. Here we stand before a significant mystery.

[ 46 ] If you consider the points we have just raised, you will say to yourself: Neither one nor the other can be called justified or unjustified; one must simply understand things in light of their necessity. — But one must also be clear that one really needs to see through these things. After all, the question easily arises: What can one do oneself in these painful times? — The first thing one can do is to try to understand things, to see through them. Then the thoughts—which are forces—are already there and will have an effect. When asked: Since, after all, evil forces are revealing themselves, do the good forces have no power? — Then one must also consider the difficulties that arise today from human freedom, which hinder the assertion of the spiritual amidst the surging waves of material life. And that is what this is all about. Should it really be made so easy for humanity to fully attain spiritual life?

[ 47 ] Future generations will look back on our present times and say: How indifferent these people were when it came to embracing the spiritual life! — The spirits are already sending it down to us; but people are resisting it. And alongside all the sadness and suffering that prevail in the present, this prevailing state is also a destiny that constitutes a trial. And it must be understood and acknowledged first and foremost as a trial. It will become clear later to what extent it is necessary for the so-called guilty to suffer alongside the innocent; for in the course of karma, everything finds its balance. One cannot say: “Do the good spirits not intervene?”—They intervene to the extent that we open ourselves to them, if we have the courage to open ourselves to them. But we must first take understanding these things seriously, take it very, very seriously.

[ 48 ] And part of this understanding is that a number of people must muster the strength to truly stand up to the surging tide of materialism with everything that is most personal to them. For materialism, which is running rampant under industrial and commercial impulses, will also be joined by that which, stemming from other, more backward impulses—from Chinese and Japanese elements, particularly Japanese ones—is increasingly becoming entangled in materialism.

[ 49 ] Yesterday, the question was raised here as to whether those communities working for a certain group from the West do not consider that the Japanese are following suit from the East. Yes, the people who belong to these communities do not view this as something bad; rather, they see it as a form of support for materialism. For what is coming from Asia will be precisely a special form of materialism. We must be clear about this in all cases: we must resist the materialistic tide with all our strength. Every person can do this. The fruits of these efforts will surely bear fruit. You need not name what is meant to counteract materialism. Do not call it “Central European,” do not call it “German”—that is not necessary; but consider the interplay of forces, as it can be objectively demonstrated.

[ 50 ] What is needed to counteract materialism—which, after all, has its place—can be summarized in two sentences. In the fifth post-Atlantean epoch in the future, the world will be even more permeated by industrial and commercial forces; but the counterpoint, the opposing pole, must be present: There must be people who, out of understanding, work on the opposite side. For what do these occult brotherhoods want? These occult brotherhoods do not act out of any particular British patriotism; rather, they ultimately seek to place the entire Earth under the rule of pure materialism. And because, according to the laws of the fifth post-Atlantean epoch, certain elements of the British people are best suited as bearers of the consciousness soul for this purpose, they seek to use gray magic to turn these suitable elements into promoters of materialism. That is what matters. If one knows which impulses are at work in world events, one can direct them. No other segment of the population could ever be used in the same way as material for transforming the entire Earth into a materialistic realm—no other people, no other segment of the population. Therefore, one must keep this segment of the population under one’s thumb and strip it of all spiritual striving, which naturally lives within every human being and lives equally within every human being. But because karma is such that the consciousness-chain is particularly active here, these occult brotherhoods specifically sought out the elements of the British national character. And what matters to them is to send the wave of materialism across the world, to make the physical plane the sole ruler. And they wish to speak of a spiritual world only in the way dictated by the revelations of the physical plane.

[ 51 ] This must be counterbalanced by the efforts of those who understand the necessity of spiritualism on Earth. And if you consider, from this perspective, what stands in the way here, you can summarize it in two sentences. One of these sentences is well known to you, though it does not yet speak fully from the hearts and souls of human beings: “My kingdom is not of this world.” In contrast to that kingdom—which is to be spread across the physical plane and is to be of this world alone—the words “My kingdom is not of this world” must always resound against commercial and industrial materialism. Today is no longer the time to explain to you to what extent the assertion of the words “My kingdom is not of this world” is connected with the cultivation of what is universally human—not what is German, but what is universally human. The Indians distinguished four castes; the ancient Greeks distinguished four classes; one after another, they emerged during the second, third, and fourth post-Atlantean epochs; in the fifth post-Atlantean epoch, the fourth class—community life, the universal human—must emerge. Not everyone can be a priest, but the priesthood can aspire to power and dominion. We see this in the third post-Atlantean epoch; we see it reviving in the hierarchical-theocratic-Romanic force. The second caste—the kingship in the Greco-Roman world—we see it reviving once more in the second post-Atlantean element, where the diplomatic-political sphere is particularly active; for the republican element in France is merely its counterpart, just as everything generates its counterpart. Only the monarchical principle corresponds to the true character of the French state; that is why, even now, the republic exists only in name; in reality, a king reigns—who happens to be a lawyer who used to handle Romanian cases. But words are not what matter; what matters is the substance. And this is precisely what is so troubling about our times: that people allow themselves to be so easily intoxicated by words. If someone is called a president, that does not make him a president; rather, it depends on what the actual circumstances are.

[ 52 ] As is well known, the third estate represents the industrial and commercial elements in Egypt and Greece. It is now emerging anew in the British Empire, but must still prevail over the fourth element, which is the universal human element. It is interesting to observe this particularly in relation to a single phenomenon. One really must gain insight into the circumstances if one wants to understand the world. It is quite curious when one asks the question: Where, in fact, has socialist theory emerged most incisively? — Among the German socialists, entirely in accordance with the principle I have characterized, namely that the German always has the mission of working out concepts in their purest form. Thus, the Germans themselves have developed pure concepts for socialism, but the German socialist idea fits German conditions like a glove. Nothing in German social conditions fits German socialist theory! It is therefore quite understandable that, after teaching for a time at a socialist school, I was ultimately expelled from it because I said that it must surely be in the spirit of socialism to develop a doctrine of freedom. — At the time, the leader of the Social Democrats retorted: “Freedom is not what matters, but reasonable coercion!” Socialist theory does not fit social conditions; that is to say, social theory must be developed out of the evolution of humanity. From this, it derives its three major principles: first, the principle of the materialist conception of history; second, the principle of surplus value; and third, the principle of class struggle. These three theories are finely elaborated, but they do not apply to German conditions—they fit British conditions wonderfully, however. That is where they were studied; that is where Marx was and first worked out the theory; that is where Engels was; that is where Bernstein was. They sprang from these conditions and fit them well because—to take the third principle—they are based on class struggle. But this is fundamentally ingrained in the British soul; just think of Cromwell. And if one studies everything that has prevailed in the British soul since Cromwell, tracing its impulses, one finds material for the third principle—class struggle. Ever since the invention of the spinning machine and the introduction of the social life that came about through it, what has prevailed in the British Empire is precisely what has found its way into the theory of surplus value. And the materialist conception of history is, in essence, nothing other than a version of Buckle’s conception of history translated into pedantic German—for example, Buckle’s History of Civilization. Except that it is presented there in the manner typical of British culture—in accordance with the principle of never drawing the full consequences. Darwin, after all, did not draw the full consequences either, but limited himself in a certain way, whereas the matter has been rigorously, ruthlessly—if you will—German-pedantically reshaped in Karl Marx’s materialist conception of history. It is interesting that no theory has been created for that universal humanity represented by the fourth caste or class, which can no longer aspire to dominion—for there is nothing left beneath it to dominate; one can only establish the relationship between human beings. Such a theory will only emerge when one takes as its foundation that universal humanity which is precisely what is found in anthroposophically oriented spiritual science.

[ 53 ] If one does not misunderstand this, it will then lead to the other, second sentence, which is to be added to “My kingdom is not of this world,” and that other, second sentence reads: “Render to Caesar what is Caesar’s, and to God what is God’s.” But this means: A true outlook on life and way of living can only be attained if one is aware that the spiritual element must be nurtured, because the spiritual world must permeate the physical world. — One can utter any number of phrases anywhere. But what matters is whether they are understood from the depths of one’s soul and with one’s whole heart. The following statements, however, must be understood: “Render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar’s, and unto God the things that are God’s” and “My kingdom is not of this world.” Then the atmosphere of the spiritual will arise, which has nothing to do with all that is materialistic—which must develop on this Earth precisely during the fifth post-Atlantean epoch. But for this to happen, it is necessary to see things as they truly are.

[ 54 ] And I would like to summarize these reflections as follows: may your heart strive to see things as they truly are. Only when there are hearts that see things as they truly are—and that see through that terrible fog of untruth that is spreading over the world today—will we make progress in a meaningful way. I have said: Since the bow is drawn to its limit, it will snap. And in this respect, the document that one has dared to present to the world even now, and what is said in the wake of this document, offers, for the time being, a prospect for a turn for the better. Even if difficult times are yet to come, this document is a challenge from the Spirit of Truth itself, and that Spirit will certainly intervene in the situation accordingly! For just consider—let me say this in closing—the exemplary, or I might even say “exemplified,” manner in which we ourselves have been treated.

[ 55 ] We have strived to be as cosmopolitan as possible over the years. We tried to preserve this quintessentially German trait of cosmopolitanism in the most scrupulous manner. What has been the result? Read about the slanders directed at us from Britain, all of which have been cloaked by the Theosophists there as if we harbored some sort of Germanic aspirations. We have not made such claims; they have been attributed to us by the other side. — The man we have held in such high regard within France, Edouard Schure—toward whom we have truly never been tempted to assert anything particularly Germanic, since he is, after all, himself the bearer, the conveyor of German intellectual life to France—even he has interpreted that which was meant to have no national overtones as “Pan-Germanic,” “Pan-Germanist.” — It is curious that when we recently looked up “Edouard Schure” in an encyclopedia, we found: “The mediator of German intellectual culture to France.” That is entirely accurate, for, in essence, the only thing French about Schure is his language. But of course, if one sees everything in terms of language, one can find everything to be French. — So one is a Pan-Germanist if one does not speak of the Germans the way the French chauvinist Schure wants one to; one is a German agent if one does not speak of the Germans the way Mrs. Besant wants one to. We are now seeing similar things take hold in Italy among our former friends as well.

[ 56 ] Yes, that’s when the need arose to defend ourselves against it. Now is once again the best opportunity to draw attention to ourselves and say: Look at the attacks they’re launching—that shows who the aggressor really is! —After all, that’s the Vollrath method, that’s the Gösch method. We see this method everywhere; we know it from within our own ranks. First, you force the other side to defend itself, and then you treat them as the aggressor. It is a thoroughly effective tactic, one that now plays an immensely powerful role in the world. The aggressor hides behind the outcry he raises after having forced the other party into a situation where they must defend themselves by branding them as the aggressor.

[ 57 ] But nothing else should happen except to serve that mission, which consists in promoting spiritual life and bringing spiritual life to the fore. And this is linked, on the one hand, to the principle: “My kingdom is not of this world,” and, on the other hand, to the principle: “Render to Caesar what is Caesar’s, and to God what is God’s.” Both of these, as you know, are indeed good Christianity. But it will be a long time before such things are understood down to the finest details. Now, once again, strange words are being bandied about—let me say this as my very final point. People say: The Entente has stated its war aims; surely the Central Powers should state their war aims as well, so that it’s a fair fight. — In general, this clamour for Central European war aims has been heard for some time now. Well, the Entente’s war aims—we have discussed some of them. But why on earth should Central Europe state its war aims? It has never had any! It has none! That is why it has naturally taken the position: We will negotiate—and are happy to do so—because then it will become clear what you actually want, and then we can talk; but as far as we’re concerned: We have nothing specific to say; we just want to live. — So, of course, one might also say: Since they aren’t stating their war aims, there must be something specific behind it. — There’s absolutely nothing behind it. Central Europe wants nothing other than what it wanted in 1913 and 1912. It had no war aims back then, and it has none today either. — What matters is not that one says something, but that what is said corresponds to reality. Today, people on all sides are shouting particularly loudly that a particularly clever, sly ruse lies behind this Christmas peace appeal by the Central Powers. So some kind of cunning, some desire to outwit the others, is said to have been behind this Christmas peace appeal. Many claim that they never wanted peace at all, but were merely seeking a particularly clever means of continuing the war. Well, if only they had responded to it! They need only have responded to the call for peace; then they would have had the opportunity to see for themselves whether it was a ruse. This, again, is the true way of thinking—not the one that clings to mere rhetoric. Overcoming rhetoric with all the strength of our souls is what must happen, my dear friends, and that is part of the next step we must take within our own souls.